Venezuela reaches elections in a climate of PSUV hegemony against opposition coup

This Sunday (25), Venezuela will go to the polls to elect 24 Governors, 285 State Deputies, 335 mayors e 2,471 Municipal Counselors. For the first time, Essequibo will participate in the election, electing its first governor and legislative representatives. The process, organized by the National Electoral Council (CNE), will have 21.5 million voters, including 196,000 foreigners residing in the country, distributed in 15,736 electoral sections.

The mixed electoral system combines nominal votes (for candidates) and party lists, ensuring proportionality in the distribution of deputies. The state of Zulia leads with 25 chairs, while seven smaller states will have only 6 deputies each. In addition, 48 deputies will be elected via national list, calculated based on the total votes received by party.

Latin American Solidarity for Contraternative

A remote meeting promoted by organizations linked to the São Paulo Forum (FSP) brought together political leaders and journalists from countries such as Brazil, Peru, Argentina, Bolivia, Costa Rica, Cuba and Portugal to discuss the electoral process and the conjuncture of these regional elections. As Monica Valente, FSP’s executive secretary, pointed out, the importance of this event aims to understand popular participation in the Venezuelan political system and resistance to the far -right attacks on Venezuela’s democracy amidst the silencing of the press about this Sunday’s election.

“The Venezuelan electoral system is characterized by a participatory and protagonistic democracy of the people, highlighting a model that contrasts with liberal democracy and faces attempts to delegitimize the far right and fascism,” she noted, pointing out the cultural war that spreads in corporate media with each election in the country.

O Red portal He accompanied the meeting, when the widespread problems of fraud and abstention in elections were pointed out by the continent, which are not properly analyzed by the international media, as they insist on doing against the Venezuelan government. The exhibitions were made by the Vice President of International Affairs of the UNIDO SOCIALISTA DA VENEZUELA (PSUV) and Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs for Latin America, Rander Peñaand the full professor at the University of Havana and advisor to strategic institutions of the Venezuelan state, Yazmin Vazquez.

Rander Peña: “Elections are battle against imperialism and extremism”

Peña stated during the virtual meeting that regional elections are “a continuity of sovereignty expressed at the polls” following Nicolás Maduro’s reelection in July 2024. Peña accused the Venezuelan opposition to promote post-election violence that year, including deaths and sabotage, as part of a “fascist campaign” funded from abroad.

Despite the electoral victory, Peña recognized the challenges faced by the government, including the economic recovery under international sanctions and the integration of social policies. “The Venezuelan people have chosen independence, even in the face of sanctions and economic attacks. The creative resistance of the Venezuelan people is our greatest strength. The right tries to destabilize the country, but we will not allow them to mine democracy,” he said, referring to the recent Civil infrastructure bombardment by 38 mercenariesincluding foreigners, linked to opposing groups.

The deputy minister denounced attempts to “fascist resurgence” by the opposition, who, according to him, seeks to destabilize the government with the support of external actors. “They want to get us out of the focus of what is cool and correct. We will not allow them to impose a lying narrative,” he said.

PSUV defends “sovereignty” and opposition wants “neoliberal recolonization”
According to Peña, the elections will define the future between two antagonistic projects. The PSUV, which rules 18 two 24 statesseeks to expand its hegemony, while the opposition tries to gain spaces in strategic regions, such as Zulia and Miranda. More than 50 political organizations and 36,986 applications participated in the electoral process, with guaranteed gender parity.

The 2025 elections, considered by Peña as “the most important since the reelection of Maduro,” put two antagonistic models: the “Bolivarian Project of Peace, Sovereignty and Social Justice” and the “recolonizing neoliberalism.” According to him, Maduro’s victory reflects popular resistance against external sanctions and imperialist interventions.

The deputy minister pointed out that the opposition, fragmented in 54 Political Organizations (36 nationals, 10 regional and 8 indigenous), lacks unity and concrete proposals. “They do not respect the constitution and see democracy as a mere instrument to seize power. There are no average terms: either we defend the legality or we give the country to imperialism,” he said.

Peña emphasizes the process of popular consultations every three months throughout the Venezuelan territory (divided into 5,338 communal circuits), to define the priorities of public policies and resource allocation for each region. “We believe in Venezuela that it is a real contribution that we are giving the world about political experiences. Each community, seeing resolved a project that they qualify as more important, in the next consultation are more stimulated. This space of political participation connects with the elections, because each regional ruler has as its mandate, that the only way to govern is this way and not in bureaucrats with bureaucrats who decide which project is the priority. Decide and the governor will make it easier to make it easier for this to happen.

International Observers: Shield against misinformation
At least 36 International Organizations They will accompany the electoral process, including delegations from Latin American and European parties. Peña emphasized that the presence of observers is crucial to “validating transparency” and combating critical narratives of global media. “In Venezuela there is no collapse, there is creative resistance. The voice of the people will not be silenced by international means that demonize our country,” he said.

The government also highlighted the support of progressive movements in Latin America and the Caribbean, reaffirming the importance of regional integration to face external pressures. Peña drew attention to the importance of regional solidarity. “This election is not only Venezuelan: it is a battle against global imperialism,” he concluded.

Logistics and Safety Challenges: How the CNE prepares the claim
The CNE has ensured that 15,736 electoral sections will be operational, with 27,713 voting tables distributed throughout the territory. To avoid fraud, the electronic system will feature real -time audits and public access to the results.

Authorities also reinforced security measures after July 2024 attacks. About 60,000 security agents will be mobilized to ensure the order, focusing on areas with tension history, such as Caracas and Valencia.

Peña classified recent actions as part of a “fascist campaign” funded by extremism and supported by international sectors. “The Venezuelan right, dissatisfied with sovereignty expressed at the polls, summoned radical groups to the streets, resulting in deaths and sabotage,” he said.

“Win the hatred with joy and conscience”
Rander Peña reaffirms the determination of the Bolivarian government. “To vote is to overcome hatred, lies and fascism disguised as democracy. As Hugo Chávez said: no one surrenders here. On May 25, the world will see that Venezuela will not pass,” he said.

“Venezuela is an example of participatory democracy. We will win because we fight for a fairer, more human world,” he said. The intervention reinforced the narrative that Venezuela is positioned as an anti-imperialist bastion in the current global conjuncture.

The PSUV’s victory in the regional elections would consolidate its political control, while an advance of opposition could rekindle tensions in a critical moment for the country’s economy and social stability.

Yazmin Vazquez: Democracy in dispute

The conjuncture, marked by economic challenges and international siege, was also analyzed by Professor Yazmin. “It is a pleasure to have this opportunity to share some reflections on the reach that really has the Democratic Venezuelan model, supported by the transformations promoted by the Bolivarian Revolution,” began Yazmin, by drawing a panorama of the changes that occurred since 1999. According to her, Democracy in Venezuela is structured as a multidimensional experience, anchored in principles of popular protagonism, power and construction socialist from the territories.

The expert highlighted five phases in the process of Venezuelan institutional transformation, with emphasis on the articulation between the state and the popular organization. The 1999 Constitution, the first legal framework of the Bolivarian Revolution, recognized various forms of citizen participation, launching the foundations for a new model of democratic management.

Subsequently, fundamental laws such as the State Planning Councils (2002), Communal Councils (2006), Popular Power (2010) and Direct and Indirect Social Property consolidated the legal architecture of popular power. “These laws enable organized communities to directly exercise resource management, planning and execution of public policies, in a cycle that goes from the diagnosis to the commercialization of locally produced goods,” explained Yazmin.

The creation of instruments such as the Bank of Women, the People’s Bank and Fondemi integrated the financial dimension with the project, allowing resources to be managed by structures elected by the community itself.

The obedient power and the role of candidates in the 2025 elections

With the closure of the election campaign and the final preparations for Sunday’s election, Yazmin Vazquez drew attention to the role of the so -called “obedience power”, a political concept incorporated by Hugo Chavez from the thought of Enrique Dussel and widely resumed by President Nicolás Maduro.

“The campaign stressed that governors must be managers obedient to popular power, supporting and boosting the basic processes that are the engine of the Bolivarian Revolution. It is not just about governor, but of accompanying and corresponding to social transformation with the communities,” he said.

According to Yazmin, the PSUV (United Socialist Party of Venezuela) acts as a moving party, organizing militancy and territories, and articulating with popular structures. The choice of candidates has been guided by the requirement of ethical commitment, political formation and the ability to dialogue with the communal circuits.

Economic challenges, hybrid war and democratic resilience

Despite the institutional advances, the trajectory of the Venezuelan democratic model has faced severe obstacles since 2013, with the intensification of the economic war promoted by opposition sectors and international sanctions. Yazmin stressed that the financial block directly affected the ability to expand popular power and the implementation of social policies to its fullest.

Still, she argues that the contributions of the Venezuelan model to the theory and practice of democracy are recognized by observatories, universities and social organizations of the region. “Since 2008, popular power has already been considered the cornerstone of participatory democracy in Venezuela. Today, even with difficulties, it remains an example of political innovation and community management that challenges the milestones of traditional liberal democracy,” he concluded.

An election that tests more than ballot boxes: the foundations of a project

The May 25 election will be, more than a moment of choice of representatives, a thermometer of the vitality of a model of democracy rooted in collective values, social protagonism and popular sovereignty. In a context of persistent geopolitical tension and attempted international delegitimation, Venezuela bets on the strength of its organized communities to continue sharing its own political path.