Fernando Villavicencio and the climate of the narcostate (Montage)

The first person accused of the murder of presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio, who fired the shots, died on the way to the hospital when he could have been helped at a clinic next to the school where the crime occurred.

After the execution, in a penitentiary in Guayaquil, of six Colombian prisoners accused of involvement in the plot, the murder of another suspect, identified as José M. in a jail in the north of Quito, raises the macabre tone of the soap opera of state terrorism.

In the same way that at the end of the first round – when Luisa González, from the Citizen Revolution (RC) movement could have won the elections in advance – the main Ecuadorian media try to transform a lie, repeated a million times, into truth, and turn the result in favor of Daniel Noboa.

In a monotonous way, newspapers, radio and television stations perform the most surprising juggling acts to link the government of Rafael Correa (2007-2017) with the murder of Villavicencio, which took place on August 9, 11 days before the elections.

A journalist affiliated with the United States government, with free access to the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), Villavicencio accused Correa of ​​protecting Julian Assange and WikiLeaks at the Ecuadorian Embassy in London. The dead candidate’s apologists and financiers could not stand the support given by Correa to Assange in his denunciations of the empire. Villavicencio, well trained, put on the costume and followed the medical records.

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However, it is still unknown why the hired scribe was executed. Soon after, in a beautiful propaganda and marketing operation, the United States Embassy began offering US$5 million to anyone who provided information leading to the mastermind behind his murder. Everything comes together so that an “enlightening” voice emerges, incidentally just a few days before the elections.

“It has always been said that Villavicencio was a CIA informant and that when he stands out too much among them, when his ambitions are overflowing and he wants to be president, he can become a hindrance to the CIA”, highlighted Correa shortly after the crime. .

Fixed two issues with three shots

The fact is that Villavicencio’s execution could have solved two problems with three shots to the head: ending the uncertainty of what he could become and, mainly, preventing the victory, in the first round, of the Correísta candidate.

Once dead, Villavicencio was replaced on the presidential ticket by Christian Zurita, his “conviction$” partner, who, fueled by emotions, managed to come in third place in the elections – with 16.37% of the votes – and make it viable, through wear and tear momentarily inflicted on Luisa, the second round will be held next Sunday, October 15th.

Dismayed and called upon to “do justice”, the electorate withdrew precious votes from the candidate on August 20th, who, although she surpassed second place, Daniel Noboa, by more than 10% (33.61% to 23.47%). the 40% to settle the invoice, forcing a new electoral process.

In an attempt for the truth of the oligarchy to prevail – and in the case of Ecuador we are talking about the mega-billionaire Noboa caste, holder of 5% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) – headlines are overflowing seeking to incriminate the veteran progressive leader.

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This Monday’s covers (9) are a good example of this: “Public Ministry says that witness spoke about who gave the order to kill Villavicencio” (Primicias); “Christian Zurita said that the threats against Villavicencio’s closest circle are increasing: ‘without a doubt they want to see us dead’” (MetroEcuador); “Zurita claims that US$200,000 was payment for the murder of Fernando Villavicencio” (LaHora); “The key and unexpected witness who anticipated his version in the Villavicencio case” (Extra).

“The previous testimony of the only witness who did not kill (and who was protected) stated under oath that those responsible for the murder of Fernando Villavicencio are the ‘Correa Government,’” declared Zurita. It would be comical if it were not tragic. What value does the oath of someone who saw eight prisoners being executed have in clearing their memory about what they should say?

Zurita goes further in the “information” he provided to the Ecuadorian public: “The amount agreed with the gunmen to end Fernando’s life was US$200,000. There was a first attempt on June 1st in the great caravan of Santo Domingo (of the Tsáchilas), but they completed it on August 9th.”

Unmasking the farce, President Correa announced in advance what was to come, clarifying that “all the guarantees were offered (to the witness) to create this false positive.”

Copying the manual of “false positives”, a state crime practice used in neighboring Colombia, in which around ten thousand innocent young people were executed as “guerrillas” by the government of Álvaro Uribe (2002-2010), President Guillermo Lasso tries, when the lights go out, they stage murders in order to prevent the opposition victory.

“We told them: they assassinate Villavicencio, they delay the preliminary investigation for a month, they kill all the gunmen except one, who they keep in a military barracks and they make him accuse us a few days before the elections, to prevent our victory”, warned Correa, pointing out “a tremendous procedural fraud”.


CONTRIBUTE VIA PIX 10.511.324/0001-48

Agência ComunicaSul is covering the presidential elections and the National Assembly of Ecuador thanks to the support of the following entities: newspaper Hora do Povo, Diálogos do Sul, Barão de Itararé, Portal Vermelho, Correio da Cidadania, Agência Saiba Mais, Agência Sindical, Federation of Workers in Financial Institutions in RS (Fetrafi-RS); National Union of Federal Servants in Basic, Professional and Technological Education (Sinasefe-RS); Metalworkers Union of Guarulhos; Federation of Commerce Workers of Santa Catarina; Ecuadorian Confederation of Free Trade Union Organizations (CEOSL); Trade Union of Espírito Santo; Hotel Workers Union of Amazonas; Union of Workers in the Advisory, Expertise, Information and Research Areas, and Public Foundations of Rio Grande do Sul (Semapi-RS); Federation of Employees in Commerce and Services of the State of Ceará (Fetrace); Federation of Workers in Commerce and Services of CUT Rio Grande do Sul (Fetracs-RS); Intersindical, Central dos Trabalhadores do Brasil (CTB), Central Única dos Trabalhadores do Paraná (CUT-PR); Association of Social Workers and Psychologists of the Court of Justice of the State of São Paulo (AASPTJ-SP), Federation of Workers in Credit Companies of Paraná (FETEC-PR), Union of Workers in Water, Waste and the Environment from the State of São Paulo (Sintaema-SP); Union of Workers in Water, Waste and Environment of the State of Santa Catarina (Sintaema-SC), Union of Workers in Heavy Construction Industries in the State of Paraná (Sintrapav-PR), Union of Official Education Teachers of the State of São Paulo (Apeoesp Sudeste-Centro), Writers’ Union in the State of São Paulo, Workers’ Union in the Federal Judiciary of Santa Catarina (Sintrajusc-SC); Union of Workers in the Judiciary of the State of Santa Catarina (Sinjusc-SC), Union of Workers of the Federal Judiciary in Pernambuco (Sintrajuf-PE), popular mandate from councilor Werner Rempel (Santa Maria-RS) and dozens of individual contributions.

Reproduction of the article is permitted as long as the source and supporters are mentioned.

Source: vermelho.org.br

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