Published 03/03/2026 16:39 | Edited 03/03/2026 16:41
During the opening of the 144th period of ordinary sessions of the National Congress on Sunday (1), President Javier Milei announced a package of 90 structural reforms designed to “redesign the institutional architecture” of the country for the next five decades.
The speech, marked by a rhetoric of rupture, formalizes the continuity of the adjustment started in 2023, now aiming at the gradual dismantling of what remains of the state structure in areas ranging from the economy and taxes to justice, education and defense.
The precariousness of work as an economic asset
The core of the strategy to attract foreign capital lies in a radical labor reform, approved in February 2026, which changes the nature of production relations in the country. By allowing the fragmentation of vacations and working hours of up to 12 hours a day and establishing time banks that eliminate the immediate payment of overtime, the government removes protection over the limit of working time and worker health, under the dubious perspective of increasing productivity.
The severe limitation of the right to strike – which requires 75% of operations in sectors considered essential – undermines the power of collective bargaining. Added to this is the controversial FAL fund, which uses social security resources to finance layoffs, relieving the business community of the cost of turnover and transferring the business risk to the State itself and to the worker.
In practice, Argentina starts to offer the sweat and helplessness of labor as the main competitive differentiator for external capital.
Extractivism and the renunciation of national sovereignty
The offensive on public assets and natural resources takes on the form of systematic delivery through the Large Investment Incentive Regime (RIGI).
Milei’s plan focuses on the accelerated exploration of lithium, copper and the expansion of agribusiness, removing what the president classifies as “absurd environmentalist losses”.
To make this extractive model of low value addition viable, the government projects a 90% reduction in national taxes and grants tax autonomy to the provinces, which in the view of critical analysts could generate an internal fiscal war and the defunding of basic social policies.
Without attractive interest rates to offer in an economy that is still convalescent, the Milei administration uses natural reserves and public infrastructure as guarantees for investors, consolidating external dependence that compromises national sovereignty in the long term.
The repressive arm and the siege of social rights
To sustain such a transfer of income and resources, the reform package includes a significant tightening of the security apparatus and criminal legislation. The modification of the Internal Security Law to allow the Armed Forces to intervene in internal conflicts and the creation of laws against picketing and blockades act as an institutional shield against popular resistance.
Progressive parties and social movements, such as União pela Pátria and CGT, denounce the plan as a frontal attack on social rights and a militarization of politics.
The reduction of the age of criminal responsibility and the expansion of the State’s punitive power emerge as tools of social control in a context where poverty affects 50% of the population.
While liberal economists celebrate the fiscal surplus and deregulation, the human cost of the Argentine experiment is manifested in the erosion of purchasing power and the dismantling of social security.
Source: vermelho.org.br